Abstract

     Parental control is widely considered to have a detrimental effect on children’s psychological development. However, it is commonplace and generally accepted in China and is intended to regulate children’s behavior. It is unclear whether Chinese parental control promotes or hinders children’s inhibitory control (IC) development. This study investigated the influence of maternal control on Chinese children’s development of IC using a longitudinal design (N = 163), with attention to the influence of children’s temperamental exuberance and different parenting contexts. Children’s exuberance (at 2 years of age) was assessed via laboratory observations. Maternal control (at 3 years of age) was coded during parent–child interaction in play-based and cleanup contexts. Children’s IC (at 3 years of age) was assessed by day–night and snow–grass tasks. Results suggested that maternal control in the play-based context was negatively related to IC development. The association between maternal control in the cleanup context and IC varied in children with different levels of temperamental exuberance. Specifically, maternal control in the cleanup context impeded low-exuberant children’s IC development but promoted it for highly exuberant children. These findings support the self-determination theory and the goodness-of-fit model and have implications for educational practice in China.

Introduction

     Parental control, which refers to parents’ efforts to intrude and redirect children’s thoughts, feelings, and behaviors, has received great attention for its effect on children’s social adjustment (Grolnick & Pomerantz, 2009). Parental control has invoked a variety of conceptualizations and operationalizations such as behavioral versus psychological control (e.g., Barber, 1996, Steinberg et al., 1989) and firm versus lax control (e.g., Fauber et al., 1990, Rowe, 1981). In the context of self-determination theory, Grolnick and Pomerantz (2009) refined multiple forms of parental control approaches and identified intrusiveness, which may violate children’s autonomy, as a core characteristic of parental control. The current study followed this conceptualization that parental control is parenting characterized by pressure, intrusion, and dominance regardless of whether it is used to regulate children’s thoughts or behaviors. Parents may be well-intended, but their controlling behaviors often do not contribute to children’s ability to regulate their own behaviors they originally intended (Grolnick, 2002). This may be because of the disrupting feelings of autonomy—children who are exposed to great parental control either are used to following their parents’ instructions and thereby lose their intrinsic motivation and regulatory ability or are resistant to their parents’ instructions and become rebellious (Grolnick, 2002).

Results

     In our sample, a child’s age was significantly correlated with exuberance (r = .25, p = .001) and was marginally significantly correlated with IC (r = .16, p = .056) and maternal control in the play-based context (r =
.15, p = .083). A sex (0 = boy, 1 = girl) difference was found in exuberance that girls were less exuberant than boys, t(161) = 2.35, p = .020, Cohen’s d = 0.37). Family income (1 = less than ¥5,000 to 4 = more than ¥30,000) was correlated with IC (r = .25, p = .003). No significant effect of age, sex, and family income was found on the other variables (ps > .26). Maternal education showed no significant effect on key variables (ps > .17). To avoid interference from the child’s age, sex, and family income, we conducted further analyses controlling for these variables.

     Correlations between primary variables are reported in Table 1. Maternal control in two contexts was significantly correlated. Temperamental exuberance did not show any significant correlation with maternal control in either context or IC.

Abstract

     This study constructed a moderated mediation model to explore the impact of parent–child communication on English academic engagement. We conducted a questionnaire survey among 21,270 middle school students using various measurements: English Academic Engagement Scale, Adolescent Parent–Child Communication Scale, learning adaptability questionnaire, and English Learning Self-Efficacy Scale. The results showed that learning adaptability played a mediating role between parent–child communication and English academic engagement. Moreover, the relationships between parent–child communication and English academic engagement as well as between parent–child communication and learning adaptability were all moderated by English learning self-efficacy. These findings revealed the importance of parent–child communication in middle school students’ foreign language learning and suggested that more attention should be paid to improving middle school students’ English learning self-efficacy and learning adaptability and, therefore, English academic engagement.

Introduction

     Because the complexity of their kids’ school work has increased sharply since they entered middle school, most parents find it challenging to provide academic support for their children, especially in the foreign language, which is a compulsory course with English as course content. However, China is now promoting the educational ideas of home-school co-education. Since the promulgation of The Family Education Promotion Law of the People’s Republic of China, the government has encouraged parents to participate in their children’s education and help them grow (China, 2021). So, given that parents’ educational level, educational resources, and family economic status are all predetermined, what other methods can parents use to promote their children’s performance in learning, especially foreign language learning? This is an issue worth paying attention to.

     Studies have found that parent–child communication, as the core mechanism for parents to influence children in family factors, promotes students to develop positively and healthily (Liu et al., 2012) and affects students’ psychological state and behavioral engagement in learning activities (Zhou & Zhang, 2018). Thus, parent–child communication can be an effective way for parents to promote their children’s foreign language learning. To this end, this study will explore the relationship between parent–child communication and English academic engagement and the mechanism underlying it, with middle school students.

Results

Preliminary analyses

     As shown in Table 2, Pearson’s analysis showed that parent–child communication, learning adaptability, English learning self-efficacy, and English academic engagement were significantly positively correlated. In terms of demographic variables, grades, only child, family residence, monthly family income, and parent–child communication, learning adaptability, English learning self-efficacy, English academic engagement were significantly correlated. Therefore, demographic variables would be analyzed as control variables.

Definition

     This entry delves into the parenting literature and reveals the complexities, perspectives, and multiple expressions of parenting challenging childhood behavior that distress or negatively impact the parent-child relationship so that we can better understand how to support families who are struggling to cope. The entry specifically focuses on the period of transition to school for children aged five to eight years. This transition can illuminate vulnerabilities previously hidden as children attempt to navigate the demands of their unfamiliar environment, meaning that parents can experience distress and emotional challenges. The entry explores the various expressions of relationally challenging behavior and comments on the intersectionality and reciprocity of explicit and implicit expressions of affect such as frustration and anxiety. To gain context, the entry examines common antecedents associated with relationally challenging behavior, such as academic comparison, forming friendships, hidden neurodiverse development, neglect, attachment dysfunction, and family conflict. Qualitative literature enriches understanding and identifies problems such as parental distress related to social stigma and minority stress and reveals specific struggles, including stress, related to homeschooling children with special educational needs, homeschooling during the recent pandemic, single parenting, grandparenting, parenting neurodiverse children, and the triangulated tensions that exist between the parent, the child, and the school. Holding in mind these diverse and context-orientated perspectives, this entry examines research that evaluates helpfulness and illuminates deficiencies of popular structured parent programs. Lastly, the entry identifies and illuminates the need to know more about the ways in which parent programs work, and it is anticipated that this new knowledge will help practitioners to better respond to the complexities of need and expectations of families who struggle to cope with relationally challenging behavior.

General Introduction

     This entry first offers a brief overview of the central theories that support parenting programs, parenting, and the ways that parenting and children’s development and adjustment relate.

     Parental socialization recognizes parents as an all-important force in the socialization process, shaping and molding the values and behaviors of the child [1], and the centrality of the parent as mediator, interpreter, reflector, and moderator of the child’s internal cognitive and emotional state of mind cannot be underestimated [2]. Parents are seen as influencers, guides, teachers, and indirect socializers in their capacity as role models, supported by social learning theory [3], and as social managers, taking charge of the child’s social experiences. Parental socialization informs and educates infants and young children in societal norms, expectations, rules, and values that influence behavior. Children learn how to socialize within this early familiar framework, which helps them adjust to societal norms and expectations. Furthermore, parents are seen as moderators to the risk effects that deprived neighborhoods, poverty, and adverse life events have on children’s emotional and behavioral development [4]. This process is guided using a combination of parental styles and practices, such as authoritative parenting, which is associated with a securely attached relationship with the main caregiver [5,6].

Conclusions

     This entry highlights the breadth and diversity of the parent caregiver population that parenting programs endeavor to help. Structured parenting programs tend to offer a generalist approach that integrate strategies from social learning, behaviorism, and attachment that endeavor to assist parents in managing and coping with a wide range of relational childhood challenging behaviors. Whilst evidence repeatedly demonstrates that parenting programs work, with positive measurable outcomes for both child behaviors and parental stress, studies have tended to rely on parent reports, whilst future research should aim to include the experiences of all involved. The reviewed literature enriches understanding and identifies problems such as parent distress related to social stigma and minority stress and reveals specific struggles, including stress relating to homeschooling children with special educational needs and during the recent pandemic, as well as single parenting, grandparenting, parenting neurodiverse children, and the triangulated tensions that exist between the parent, the child, and the school. Holding in mind these diverse and contextorientated perspectives, this entry illuminates deficiencies of popular structured parenting programs and has identified a need to know more about the ways in which parenting programs work. It is anticipated that this reviewed knowledge will help practitioners to better reflect on the complexities of needs and expectations of families who struggle to cope with relationally challenging behavior.

Abstract

     In this paper, we examine the relationships between school suspensions and/or ADHD diagnoses and delinquency across different school disciplinary and special education climates. Given how these childhood interventions are intended to improve schoolchildren’s behavior and create a safe and predictable learning environment, it is critical for scholars to compare how these diverse yet connected responses to child misbehavior influence delinquent behavior. We use data from the Fragile Families and Child Well-Being Study (n = 2,267). Results from binomial regression models show that delinquency scores are higher among suspended children and children receiving both suspension and ADHD treatment, compared to young people who experience neither. Further, school context has a direct association with delinquency scores, as children attending schools with higher rates of school suspensions and special education enrollment have lower delinquency scores. Moreover, the relationship between individual childhood experiences with school suspension and/or ADHD treatment and delinquency is moderated by school context, especially regarding special education enrollment rates.

Introductin

     Each year, approximately 2.5 million U.S. students are suspended from school (Civil Rights Data Collection (CRDC), 2021). At the same time, 6.1 million school-aged children are diagnosed with attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), with nearly 2 in 3 receiving therapy or taking prescription medication for their diagnoses (Danielson et al., 2018) and roughly 2 million children are enrolled in in special education behavior plans for ADHD and similar conduct problems (Civil Rights Data Collection (CRDC), 2021). The use of suspension or medical diagnoses and special education for perceived childhood behavior problems reflects different philosophies regarding misbehavior and involve different institutions, leading to different approaches (Hinshaw & Scheffler, 2014; Kern et al., 2019; Lamont, 2013). School suspensions are punishments imposed by schools that rely on negative consequences (e.g., exclusion) for misconduct to encourage good behavior (Bandura, 1977; Bear, 2012). ADHD diagnoses entail medical decisions made between doctors and caregivers, utilizing therapy and/or medication, and often involve schools implementing special education plans to promote appropriate behavior.

Results

     Table 1 presents descriptive statistics for all variables in the study for the total sample and for each category of individual suspension and ADHD treatment (i.e., neither suspended nor received ADHD treatment, received only ADHD treatment, only suspended, and both suspended and received ADHD treatment). Notably, almost half of the respondents had experiences with suspension and/or ADHD treatment. The proportion of respondents who experienced neither exclusion nor ADHD diagnoses is 0.506, 0.075 were diagnosed with ADHD without experiencing exclusionary discipline, 0.307 experienced exclusion without ADHD diagnoses, and 0.111 experienced both exclusion and ADHD diagnoses. The average delinquency score in the sample is 1.1 delinquent behaviors and varies by suspension/ADHD experience. Among those who receive neither ADHD treatment nor suspension, the average delinquency score is 0.6, compared to an average delinquency score of 0.7 for those who receive only ADHD treatment, 1.7 for those who experience suspension only, and 2.1 for those who receive both ADHD treatment and suspension. School punishment and special education rates also vary by suspension/ADHD category. Overall, the average school special education rate is 15.5. For children who are neither suspended nor treated for ADHD, the average school special education rate is 14.5, compared to an average rate of 14.7 for those only treated for ADHD, 16.6 for those only suspended, and 17.7 for those who are both suspended and treated for ADHD. The average school punishment rate is 12.5 for the total sample, compared to 9.8 for those who are nether treated for ADHD nor suspended, 8.6 for those only treated for ADHD, 16.6 for those only suspended, and 15.6 for those who are both suspended and treated for ADHD.

Abstract

Objectives
to investigate the effect of auditory temporal processing training on the alleviation of stuttering severity in children who stutter (CWS) diagnosed with auditory temporal processing (ATP) disorders.

Materials & Methods
Thirty-one (31) CWS diagnosed with ATP disorders participated in this study (intervention group: 17 participants between 7 to 12 years old; control group: 14 participants between 8 to 12 years old). The ATP test and SSI-3 were examined before, after 12 sessions (about 540 minutes) training, and three months following the conclusion of the intervention.

Result
According to the results, ATP improved significantly in the intervention group after auditory temporal training and the differences between the intervention and control group were significant (p<0.05). The improvement of ATP skills remained stable in the post-training evaluation after three months (p>0.05). Although the SSI-3 score was further improved in the intervention group, but there was no significant difference between two groups (p=0.984).

Conclusions
The findings revealed that ATP training acted as a complementary therapy alleviating stuttering severity of CWS with ATP disorders to some extent.

Introduction 

Stuttering is a well-known speech fluency disorder with primary symptoms such as involuntary and abnormal repetitions and prolongations of sounds, syllables, words, phrases, and silent pauses that disrupt the rhythmic flow of speech(1). With a prevalence rate of 2-5%, this disorder emerges mainly at 3-6 years of age nearby 1% of this population will continue to have persistent stuttering until adulthood (2). Stuttering is neurodevelopmentally (3), associated with several factors(4). Numerous studies and theories point to defective neural centers for speech control, auditory processing disorders, genetic and language impairments, and other cognitive, emotional, and social processing as the underlying causes of stuttering (5).

Currently, the basic neurogenic knowledge of stuttering is not directly linked with clinical programs(6). More promising and effective management and treatment of stuttering appear to be more logically rooted in its potential neural mechanisms (6, 7). Several studies and theories highlight the auditory system, its associated processing, and its roles, which might be the structures linked with this disorder (8).

Results

Demographic data for each group are shown in (Table 1). Children in both groups had a Stuttering Severity Instrument-3 (SSI-3) range of very mild to moderate (score 8-27).

3.1. Analyzing the Effect of Auditory Temporal Training on ATP Test Scores

In this section, data related to ATP tests before, immediately, and three months after auditory temporal training are compared between the intervention and control groups.

3.1.1. Duration pattern test

Table 2 shows a significant difference between the three interventions Duration pattern tests measurement levels (Table 2). The pairwise comparison test, by considering the Bonferroni adjustment indicated that the post-training (session 13) scores of the intervention group improved remarkably (right and left ear: P<0.001). An improvement was also observed in the control group, albeit non-significant (right ear: P=1.0, left ear: P=0.468). The analysis of the resulting stability revealed persistent improvement in the intervention group based on the post-training evaluation after three months (right ear: P=0.005, left ear: P=0.012). No significant difference was observed in the control group’s scores after three months (right ear: P=0.396, left ear: P=1.0). The between-subject primary effect test, found a significant difference between the intervention and control groups across the three measurement levels (P<0.001). The interaction of time and group was substantial (P<0.001) (Table 2).

1. Introduction

2. Related works

3. Methodology

4. Results and disscusion

5. Conclusions

References

Abstract

The rapid increase in the era of the technological revolution and the Internet, especially the social media, have created a new reality in the daily life of the societies in general and of the university students in particular, so this new reality without any doubt imposes on us the general effects of this increasing use of social media has affected all areas and societies The effects are positive and negative. These social means have become a vast space for exchanging ideas, making new friends, proposals, sources of information, business and e-shopping. In this study, we have decided to shed light on the academic, political and economic effects of the study by comparing them to the general effects of social media by looking at the demographic variables of Iraqi university students. Three universities (Kerbela University in the Middle Euphrates, UOITC University in the capital Baghdad and Tikrit University in western Iraq) where we considered spatial, cultural and social differences. Data collected through a survey consisting of four categories, General Influences, Academic Influences, Political Influences and Influences Business (distributed over 40 questions) We tried to cover most of the students’ common uses of social media and their impact on them. The questionnaire was distributed through 100 questionnaires to each university. The total number of participants was (201) distributed on (77) participants from Karbala University, (50) participants from Tikrit University and (74) participants from the University of Information and Communication Technology (UOITC).

Introduction

In the last few years, evolutions have been trying an increasing interest in using the internet and communication technologies tool (ICT). Wide groups of applications and technologies were generated to support communication to others anytime and everywhere. Presently, the internet has become be a necessity for the world community. All people can reach all the information without any limitation, on time and place. Also, in the learning procedure, communication can be one of the determinant factors to gain success in the learning process. The use of ICT also can be given good impacts for learning process as well as to provide learning efficiency in order to help students cooperate with other about the topic of the lessons because each one from them has different unique learning style [1]. Likewise, with respect to huge scale mobile social networking, users may have a place with various networks or groups, and covering clients may assume unique jobs in complex systems. From that point, the basic issue is the manner by which to survey or clarify client reliability.

1- Introduction

2- Method

3- Results

4- Discussion

References

Abstract

The study investigates the links between maternal and paternal parenting styles and the imposter syndrome among adult female students, while probing the meditative role played by self-esteem in this context. The sample comprised 182 female students (Mage = 27.85, SD = 7.25) who completed the Parental Bonding Instrument (PBI), the Impostor Phenomenon Scale (CIPS), and the Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (RSES). The results of the analyses of the regressions models using SEM revealed that parental care is associated with students’ lower imposter feelings via self-esteem, and paternal overprotection is associated with students’ higher imposter feelings via self-esteem. Hence, parental care and overprotection may be related to female students’ imposter feelings since they increase and decrease (respectively) their self-esteem which, in turn, affects their imposter feelings. The current study is among the first to demonstrate the mediation role played by self-esteem in the association in question separately for mothers and fathers, which contributes to facilitating the understanding of the etiology mechanism of the imposter phenomenon.

Introduction

Imposter phenomenon is a term coined by Clance and Imes (1978) to depict a steady tendency of individuals who consistently experience intellectual phoniness and hidden incompetence, contrary to their objective qualifications and actual accomplishments. Imposters cannot properly internalize their success. They feel as if they managed to fool everybody else into believing that they are very intelligent (Clance & Imes, 1978), and they may use measures to preserve this state (e.g., over diligence, intellectual inauthenticity, and charm). The most common imposter symptoms include reluctance to accept credit for accomplishments, feelings of self-doubt, and a tendency to attribute success to external causes (Clance, 1985; Robinson & Goodpaster, 1991). Individuals with imposter syndrome are constantly afraid that others will eventually unmask their fraudulence, to reveal they do not belong in their professional environment (Kolligian Jr & Sternberg, 1991; Wang, Sheveleva & Permyakova, 2019). This perpetual fear of being exposed takes its psychological toll on them, as imposter individuals tend to experience feelings of depression, stress, anxiety, and low self-esteem (Cusack, Hughes & Nuhu, 2013; Li, Hughes & Thu, 2014; Schubert & Bowker, 2017; Wang et al., 2019). Students and employees who cope with imposter feelings tend to experience heightened fear and anxiety over their performance (Cusack et al., 2013; Halbesleben, 2006). They spend a great deal of energy in unmasking their perceived inadequacy by overworking and using avoidance strategies, resulting in low occupational satisfaction, high emotional exhaustion, and a greater risk of burnout (Crawford, Shanine, Whitman & Kacmar, 2016; Hutchins, Penney & Sublett, 2018). According to Clance and Imes (1978), the imposter phenomenon is far more prevalent and intensely experienced amongst women, as its origins are predominantly rooted in a gender-based family dynamics. In this regard, the authors identified early family processes such as family comparison (e.g., between siblings) and parental expectations that could underlie subsequent imposter feelings especially among girls. Clance and her colleagues maintained that later in life impostor feelings are further reinforced amongst women, as they face society’s gender stereotypes, where assertiveness and accomplishments are more socially acceptable for men than for women (Clance & Imes, 1978; Clance, Dingman, Reviere & Strober, 1995).

1. Introduction

2. Method

3. Results

4. Discussion

Acknowledgements

References

Abstract

The relationships children form with their teachers in early childhood are known to be important in the context of their ongoing learning and development. This study investigated student–teacher relationship quality (STRQ) in grade one students with (n = 177) and without (n = 208) attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD). We also examined whether a range of child and teacher factors were associated with STRQ. Children (M = 7.3 years; SD = 0.4) were recruited through 43 schools and screened for ADHD using parent and teacher screening questionnaires (Conners 3 ADHD index). ADHD cases were confirmed using the diagnostic interview schedule for children version IV. STRQ was rated by teachers using the student–teacher relationship scale — short form. Results showed that children with ADHD experienced poorer STRQ compared to children without ADHD (Cohen’s d = 1.11). STRQ was associated with child sex, medication use, ADHD subtype, cognitive/academic functioning and behavior, teacher experience, and self-efficacy, and parent education and socio-economic status. After controlling for school and teacher clustering, children’s prosocial behavior and teacher years of experience were positively associated with STRQ in both groups. In children with ADHD, conduct problems and child sex (boys) predicted poorer teacher relationship quality. For children without ADHD, higher socio-economic status was associated with better STRQ. Targeting modifiable factors associated with STRQ for children with and without ADHD and their teachers may be one way ofimproving school outcomes for at-risk children. Promoting prosocial behavior in classrooms may benefit STRQ for all children.

Introduction

Attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) is a highly prevalent neurodevelopmental disorder affecting approximately 5% of children worldwide (Polanczyk, Willcutt, Salum, Kieling, & Rohde, 2014). ADHD is characterized by developmentally inappropriate levels of inattention, hyperactivity, impulsivity, and co-occurring behavior and self-regulation difficulties (American Psychiatric Association, 2013). Due to symptoms and characteristics associated with the disorder, children with ADHD tend to experience considerable difficulties in the school environment (Kos, Richdale, & Hay, 2006). Children with ADHD have been found to experience academic underachievement (Massetti et al., 2008), and are rated below their peers on behaviors that enable academic success, such as classroom engagement, academic motivation, interpersonal skills and study skills (Vile Junod, DuPaul, Jitendra, Volpe, & Cleary, 2006; Volpe et al., 2006). Over the longterm, educational outcomes remain poor and social difficulties are likely to persist (Loe & Feldman, 2007). ADHD in childhood predicts a reduced overall quality of life and ADHD remains associated with substantial social, health and economic problems later in life (Barkley, Fischer, Smallish, & Fletcher, 2006; Harpin, 2005).

While school difficulties experienced by children with ADHD are well recognized, little is known about the factors that may protect children with ADHD from poor school functioning. One possible buffer is the extent to which a child has a supportive, non-conflictual relationship with his/her classroom teacher (Baker, 2006; Roorda,Koomen, Spilt, & Oort, 2011).Whilst student–teacher relationships for children with behavioral difficulties (e.g., aggression) have been shown to involve more conflict and less closeness (Crum, Waschbusch, & Willoughby, 2016; Lei, Cui, & Chiu, 2016), little is known about the nature of student–teacher relationships for children with ADHD. It is also unclear whether poor student–teacher relationship quality (STRQ) arises primarily from behavioral problems that often accompanyADHD, or whether there are other importantfactors that may offer opportunity for interventions tailored to children with ADHD. This cross-sectional study compared STRQ between children with and without ADHD in a large community sample in grade one (second year of schooling) with the aim of identifying child and teacher-level factors associated with STRQ.

1- Introduction

2- Method

3- Results

4- Discussion

References

Abstract

The present study examined the different mediating roles of eight mechanisms of moral disengagement in the association between harsh parenting and adolescent aggression. 389 junior high school students participated. Data were collected by parents reporting on spouses’ harsh parenting, adolescents themselves reporting on moral disengagement and nominating out aggressive classmates. The results indicated that harsh parenting was positively associated with each mechanism of moral disengagement and only the mechanisms of moral justification and euphemistic language completely mediated the association between harsh parenting and adolescent aggression. These results add to extant literature on how harsh parenting could risk adolescents for aggressive behaviors.

Introduction

Although research has indicated that harsh parenting could risk children for aggressive behaviors (Chen & Raine, 2018; Wang, 2017), the mediating mechanisms involved in this relationship remain to be further explored. Taking into account the impact of moral disengagement on child aggression (Gini, 2006; Shulman, Cauffman, Piquero, & Fagan, 2011), one might expect that moral disengagement might mediate the relation of harsh parenting to child aggression if harsh parenting functions as a risk factor for child moral disengagement. This study intends to explore the different mediating roles of the eight types of moral disengagement mechanisms in the association between harsh parenting and adolescent aggression. Following Bandura’s (1999) social cognitive theory of moral agency, individuals would desist from injurious conduct under the guidance of internalized moral standards. Committing detrimental conduct would risk both external sanctions such as being disapproved and internal selfcondemnation such as shame and guilt. To refrain from internal selfsanctions, individuals seek to rationalize their detrimental behaviors that violate moral standards through various psychosocial processes that have been conceptualized as moral disengagement (Bandura, Barbaranelli, Caprara, & Pastorelli, 1996). Bandura et al. (1996) have proposed eight mechanisms of moral disengagement which could be classified as the following four groups. First, cognitive reconstruing enables individuals to reinterpret the reprehensible behaviors in a positive tone, including the following three mechanisms: moral justification by portraying the immoral conduct as warranted, advantageous comparison by contrasting a detrimental conduct with a worse one to make it seem less serious, euphemistic labeling by using convoluted or periphrastic language to mask condemnable conduct. The second group promotes people to distort the agentive relation between their harmful conduct and the behavioral consequences, mainly comprising displacement and diffusion of responsibility (i.e., regarding one’s own immoral conduct as being caused by external sources such as social pressures rather than as being personally responsible). The third group consists of the following mechanisms: distorting by minimizing or even disregarding the consequences of one’s reprehensible conduct. The fourth group capacitates self-censure to be avoided by dehumanization (i.e., stripping people of human qualities) or by attribution of blame (i.e., viewing themselves as being compelled into destructive conduct by victims who deserve being punished).

1- Introduction

2- Method

3- Analysis

4- Discussion

References

Abstract

The current study aimed to examine children’s experiences of using tablet technology within the home. Eighteen children aged between eight and nine years old took part in four separate focus group discussions. Thematic analysis revealed three predominant themes: a battle of boundaries, a tool to escape the surrounding world, and an emerging dependency on tablet technology. The data implies that there is a growing dependency on tablet technology use among this age group. The current study also outlines that many children engage in a variety of techniques to circumvent parental limits on their tablet usage. However, other children discussed a lack of clear rules and restrictions for their use of tablet devices. The findings suggest that covert and unregulated use of tablet technology may have a detrimental impact upon children, particularly in relation to reduced social interaction, fatigue and increased family tensions due to excessive usage. Further research of child interactions with a wide variety of digital technology and media is warranted. Such exploration would further our understanding of the potential advantages and disadvantages for such technology use, as well as presenting a pathway to produce more effective guidance on home use.

Introduction

Touchscreen devices such as the Apple Ipad have the benefit of being able to make the Internet accessible to all ages, as well as a plethora of other entertainment and communication facilities (Holloway, Green, & Brady, 2013). Tablet devices present a low maintenance, intuitive platform that requires limited training to use, moving away from competence in generic computer literacy skills (Holloway et al., 2013). In the 8-11 years age range, 86% of children report having access to a tablet device, with a further 52% stating that they used a tablet almost every day (Ofcom, 2017). While engaging with technology such as tablets can support positive learning and communication experiences for children (Blum-Ross & Livingstone, 2016), problems associated with extensive use have also been acknowledged. Concerns related to the availability, ease of use, and accessibility of digital technology and the potential impact on the general well-being of children and adolescents has generated growing media interest (e.g., The Guardian, 2016). There have also been claims that excessive amounts of screen time in younger generations can disrupt cognitive and social development, create sleep disturbances, and impair well-being (Galpin & Taylor, 2018). Concerns related to aspects of online safety among children have also been raised (McNally et al., 2018; Livingston et al., 2017). However, Galpin and Taylor (2018) note that there is a significant lack of clear research data on which guidance related to screen-use in children.

1- Introduction

2- Data and methodology

3- Results

4- Sensitivity checks

5- Possible underlying channels

6- Conclusion

References

Abstract

This study analyses the relationship between life expectancy and parental education. Based on data from the German Socio-Economic Panel Study and survival analysis models, we show that maternal education is related to children’s life expectancy – even after controlling for children’s own level of education. This applies equally to daughters and sons as well as to children’s further life expectancies examined at age 35 to age 65. This pattern is more pronounced for younger cohorts. In most cases, the education of the father is not significantly related to children’s life expectancy. Neither the vocational training nor the occupational position of the parents in childhood, which both correlate with household income, can explain the connection. The health behaviour of the children and the health accumulated over the life course appear as important channels. This study extends the previous literature that focused mostly on the relationship between individuals’ own education and their life expectancy. It implies that the link between education and life expectancy is substantially stronger and that returns to education are higher if the intergenerational component is considered.

Introduction

Numerous studies document a strong correlation between individuals’ education and their life expectancy (Cutler et al., 2011; Grossman, 2015; Galama et al., 2018). Little research, however, studies the extent to which life expectancy is related to parental education. Studies increasingly point out that parents play a central role in the health, education, and labour market success of their children: Even before children enter school, their language skills, socio-emotional stability, and school readiness show strong correlations with parental education (e.g. Huebener et al., 2018). In the further course of a child’s life, significant correlations between parental education and their child’s educational and labour market success solidify. Despite this important role of parental background on child outcomes throughout life, little is known about the link between parental education and children’s life expectancy. This paper analyses this relationship. Based on data from the German Socio-Economic Panel Study and Cox survival analysis models, we present evidence for a strong correlation between children’s mortality after age 65 and maternal education, which exists for both sons and daughters. This correlation proves to be very robust, taking into account general cohort effects and regional differences. The link with paternal education is smaller and, in most cases, not statistically significant. Children whose mothers have completed middle or upper secondary school live an average of about two years longer after the age of 65 than children whose mothers have no school leaving certificate or only attended the basic school track. Parental education may influence children’s life expectancy through various channels. Better educated parents may influence the health and important health-related behaviours of children early in their lives (e.g. Aizer and Currie, 2014; Carneiro et al., 2013). For example, better educated parents could already behave more health-consciously during pregnancy and, for example, attend pre-natal check-ups more frequently. Studies show that better educated mothers are less likely to experience premature birth or deliver underweight children (e.g. Chou et al., 2010; Currie and Moretti, 2003; McCrary and Royer, 2011). In early childhood, better educated parents may provide healthier diets and encourage healthier lifestyles (e.g. Case et al., 2002; A. Currie, Shields and Price, 2007; J. Currie and Stabile, 2003; Soteriades and DiFranza, 2003) or act as health-oriented role models themselves (e.g. Göhlmann et al., 2010; Powell and Chaloupka, 2005). Better educated parents could send their children to better schools in which their classmates behave healthier – during the phase of life in which health-related behaviours such as smoking, physical activity, and diet are influenced (e.g. Richter, 2010). A higher school degree can, in turn, improve children’s labour market success, leading to less physically demanding jobs. Moreover, parents with more education usually have a higher income with which they can afford better medical care. A further channel could be that better educated parents attain professions that are less demanding for their health and that parents’ professions affect the children’s professional choices (e.g. Constant and Zimmermann, 2003; Minello and Blossfeld, 2014).

1- Introduction

2- Method

3- Results

4- Discussion

5- Limitations and future directions

6- Conclusions

References

Abstract

Early Life Trauma (ELT), trauma before the age of 18, often has a negative psychological impact, even into adulthood. ELT has been linked to a variety of psychopathologies in adulthood including anxiety, depression, substance abuse, and PTSD (e.g., Bremner et al., 2007). However, not all individuals who experience ELT report psychological issues. Few studies have examined factors contributing to this discrepancy. The present study examines psychological flexibility against development of depression and PTSD following ELT among a sample (N = 240) of undergraduates who have experienced at least one trauma. Results suggest that ELT (number of traumas and negative impact of traumas) is positively associated with depression and PTSD. Individuals with more traumas reported higher psychological flexibility; psychological flexibility was also associated with less negative impact. As expected, psychological flexibility was associated with fewer psychological symptoms (both depression and PTSD). Further, psychological flexibility partially mediated the association between negative impact of traumas and symptoms, although no mediation was supported for models including number of traumas. This suggests that psychological flexibility is a protective factor for individuals who are negatively impacted by ELT, pointing to the importance of examining impact of trauma and not just number of traumas.

Introduction

Early life trauma (ELT) has been identified as a public health concern because of the alarmingly high rates and long-term negative health consequences (e.g., Green et al., 2010). Green et al. reported that 53.4% of English-speaking adults in the U.S. report having experienced at least one ELT. ELT is defined as any trauma occurring prior to age 18 and includes general trauma (e.g., serious accident, death of a parent or sibling) as well as physical, sexual, or emotional abuse. Research suggests that the impact of ELT can be far reaching and profound. ELT has been linked to a variety of psychopathologies in adulthood that includes personality disorders, anxiety, depression, substance abuse, and PTSD (e.g., Bremner, Bolus, & Mayer, 2007; Mandelli, Petrelli, & Serretti, 2015). Studies have even linked ELT with changes in brain structure and function as well as hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal (HPA) axis (the physiological stress system) dysfunction. These changes may be at the root of increased psychopathology among those who have experienced ELT (Van der Kolk, 2003). Interestingly, though, not all children who experience trauma demonstrate high levels of psychopathology (Schulz et al., 2014). In fact, a meta-analysis by Hiller et al. (2016) reported that between 11% and 20% of individuals who are exposed to trauma as children or adolescents experience PTSD. Research has investigated a number of protective factors such as parental/caregiver support, parental/caregiver mental health, child temperament, and child cognitive ability (for review, see Masten et al., 1999; Tiet et al., 1998) that may help to explain this discrepancy. Another factor that may play a role in the development of PTSD following ELT is experiential avoidance, a tendency to avoid private emotional events such as traumatic memories. For example, Shenk, Putnam, Rausch, Peugh, and Noll (2014) reported that experiential avoidance mediated the relationship between ELT and PTSD; those with higher levels of experiential avoidance had higher levels of PTSD following ELT. Despite the importance of these factors, another avenue for understanding why some individuals develop psychological symptoms following trauma and others do not focuses on traits that an individual either possesses prior to the trauma, or develops as a result of trauma, which enables her/him to experience well-being despite a traumatic experience (e.g., Bonanno et al., 2002; Nugent, Sumner, & Amstadter, 2014).

1- Introduction

2- Methods

3- Results

4- Discussion

5- Conclusion

References

Abstract

Introduction: Despite the central role of inhibitory control in models of adolescent development, few studies have examined the longitudinal development of inhibitory control within adolescence and its prospective association with maladaptive outcomes. The current study evaluated: 1) growth in inhibitory control from early- to middle-adolescence, and 2) the relation between inhibitory control and later delinquency.
Methods: Participants included 387 parent-child dyads (11–13 years old at Wave 1; 55% female; USA). Across three annual assessments, teens completed the Stop Signal Task (SST), and parents completed the Inhibitory Control subscale of the Early Adolescent Temperament QuestionnaireRevised. Teens self-reported their delinquent behaviors in early (Mage = 12.1) and middle adolescence (Mage = 14.1) and emerging adulthood (Mage = 18.2).
Results: Latent growth curve models indicated that SST performance improved curvilinearly from early to middle adolescence (ages 11–15), with growth slowing around middle adolescence. However, no growth in parent-reported inhibitory control was observed. Lower task-based and parent-reported inhibitory control in early adolescence predicted greater increases in delinquency from middle adolescence to emerging adulthood. However, rate of growth in taskbased inhibitory control was unrelated to later delinquency.
Conclusions: This longitudinal study provides a novel examination of the development of inhibitory control across early and middle adolescence. Results suggest that the degree to which inhibitory control confers risk for later delinquency may be captured in early adolescence, consistent with neurodevelopmental accounts of delinquency risk. Differences across assessment tools also highlight the need for careful measurement considerations in future work, as taskbased measures may be better suited to capture within-person changes over time.

Introduction

Inhibitory control is critical for engaging in adaptive, goal-directed behavior. Successful inhibition involves suppressing a dominant or prepotent response in order to execute a subdominant but adaptive response (Barkley, 1997). Poor inhibitory control consistently exhibits cross-sectional associations with externalizing behavior problems, including Oppositional Defiant Disorder, substance use disorders (Lipszyc & Schachar, 2010; Wright, Lipszyc, Dupuis, Thayapararajah, & Schachar, 2014), and antisocial behavior (Oosterlaan, Logan, & Sergeant, 1998). Most research on the development of inhibitory control has focused on the childhood period (e.g., Posner & Rothbart, 2000), even though inhibitory control continues to develop throughout adolescence. Protracted development of self-regulatory systems is considered a key mechanism contributing to the increase in risky and delinquent behaviors often observed during adolescence (Casey, Getz, & Galvan, 2008; Crone & Dahl, 2012; Steinberg, 2008). Despite the importance of inhibitory control in models of adolescent development, studies within the adolescent period are often cross-sectional; longitudinal studies generally have not evaluated the pattern of change nor the extent of individual differences in change over time, precluding a fine-grained analysis of development. The current longitudinal study addresses this gap in the literature and advances the field’s understanding of inhibitory control by 1) examining growth in inhibitory control from early to middle adolescence and 2) testing the degree to which initial levels of inhibitory control at age 11, as well as growth in inhibitory control from ages 11 to 15, relates to later delinquent behavior.