Abstract

Introduction

Nancy Fraser’s conceptualization of justice

Affirmative versus transformative remedies for injustices

Justice in critical literature on smart cities

Redistribution

Recognition

Representation

From the smart to the just city in the digital age

From affirmative to transformative strategies

Retaining and regaining technological sovereignty

Conclusions

Acknowledgements

References

Abstract

     The smart city is the most emblematic contemporary expression of the fusion of urbanism and digital technologies. Critical urban scholars are now increasingly likely to highlight the injustices that are created and exacerbated by emerging smart city initiatives and to diagnose the way that these projects remake urban space and urban policy in unjust ways. Despite this, there has not yet been a comprehensive and systematic analysis of the concept of justice in the smart city literature. To fill this gap and strengthen the smart city critique, we draw on the tripartite approach to justice developed by philosopher Nancy Fraser, which is focused on redistribution, recognition, and representation. We use this framework to outline key themes and identify gaps in existing critiques of the smart city, and to emphasize the importance of transformational approaches to justice that take shifts in governance seriously. In reformulating and expanding the existing critiques of the smart city, we argue for shifting the discussion away from the smart city as such. Rather than searching for an alternative smart city, we argue that critical scholars should focus on broader questions of urban justice in a digital age.

Introduction

     We live in an age where digitization, digital networks, big data, and internet-based infrastructures are ‘mediating and augmenting the production of space’ and in so doing, are ‘transforming socio-spatial relations’ (Ash, Kitchin, and Leszczynski 2018, 29). The smart city is an emblematic expression of these transformations where data, sensors, and algorithms are presented as technical solutions for urban problems. After initially being dominated by affirmative perspectives, since about 2014 an increasing number of critical views on the smart city have been published by geographers and urban scholars (amongst by now many others, see Cardullo and Kitchin 2019; Cugurullo 2018; Greenfield 2013; Hollands 2008, 2015; Kitchin 2016; Leszczynski 2016; Rose 2020; Söderström, Paasche, and Klauser 2014; Wiig and Wyly 2016), with some of the earliest and most cited critiques being published precisely in this journal (Hollands 2008; Söderström, Paasche, and Klauser 2014).

     Most of these critiques directly or indirectly invoke questions of justice; however, they rarely define its meaning. Consequently, the meaning of justice in critical smart city debates remains elusive and theoretically underdeveloped. This is despite the fact that critical urban geographers have of course long engaged with concepts of social justice, from Lefebvre’s (2003 [1970]) call for the right to the city, further developed for example by Marcuse et al. (2009) and Brenner, Marcuse, and Mayer (2009), to questions of spatial justice (Soja 2010; Marcuse 2009; Fainstein 2009), to Harvey’s (1973) seminal work on justice and the city, to interventions like Fainstein (2010) which highlight the importance of participatory engagement to expand understandings of urban justice (for on overview on some of them with reference to the smart city see Kitchin, Cardullo, and Di Feliciantonio 2019; for an application of David Harvey’s social justice theory on questions of the smart city see Vanolo 2019).

Conclusions

     We are currently observing the increasing centrality of digital technologies in public discourse, proposed as responses to current social and political problems of the city. In this article, we presented a comprehensive definition and framework of justice to guide progressive efforts in assessing and reimagining smart city initiatives and argued for transformative remedies for injustice. Building on Fraser’s tripartite framework, we examined justice in critical smart city literature along economic, social, and political lines. We observed notable tensions, marked by a recognition on the one hand of the ways in which digital practices mediate and reinforce domination, dispossession, disenfranchisement, and social differentiation, and on the other, a desire to exploit the emancipatory potential of digital practices as sites of generative possibility for thinking, acting, and being otherwise. In assessing visions of alternative smart cities, we highlighted the need for transformational change, for instance, through technology sovereignty movements which provide collective ownership of data-intensive digital and algorithmic platforms and services.

Abstract

Introduction

Review of literature on the current understanding and ongoing debate of smart cities

Method and data

Results and discussion

Conclusion

Declarations

References

Abstract

     Smart city is one of the fastest growing socio-economic and scientific initiative in the world. Still, it is only in principle and a mere blueprint for many developing countries. This study reviews literature on smart city in Nigeria and developing countries. Our aim is to explore ways to improve the quality of Nigeria’s urban areas, based on recent research on the concept of smart city and its implementation. We summarise key research findings, and gather evidence that shows what composition of urban governance, social, economic, and environmental factors, that would influence actualising a smart city in Nigeria. Although knowledge has grown tremendously in the current literature on the definition, significance, governance, policy, and implementation of a smart city, its significance in Nigeria and other developing countries is supplemental. As an environmentally friendly initiative, a smart city will support urban sustainability and livelihood in Nigeria in a myriad of ways—environmental protection, and mainstream urban services, including public security and safety, access to quality health care, efficient power supply, clean water distribution, assets management, smart transportation, etc. However, despite her unique traditional urban agglomeration trends, Nigeria is unambitious and constrained towards actualising a smart city. Actualising a smart city in Nigeria and other developing countries would require radical and ambitious policies on development of human and infrastructural capacity, as well as institutional reinforcement. This highlights the need for more research, of which we are optimistic that the findings of this research will support with its new insight and clear guidelines.

Introduction

     A smart city is modern architectural philosophy, focusing on the use of information and communication technology (ICT) to solve problems endogenous to the city, and to power vital activities. It represents a major transformation from the traditional urban agglomeration to a twenty-frst-century metropolis, which advances city functions, promotes economic growth, and improves the quality of life for citizens (Bakıcı et al., 2013). One obvious beneft of a smart city is the level of government response to the needs and well-being of citizens through positive interaction between the government and citizens, aided by technology-driven policies and services. When we look at some of the smart cities in the world today for example Singapore, San-Diego, Barcelona, and Hong Kong, we could fnd that smartness of cities creates applications and urban services that combine technology and promotes the development of policies and practices to address the social, economic, and environmental challenges facing today’s urban areas (Su et al., 2011).

Conclusion

     A smart city represents a shift both in mindset and architectural framework from the traditional agglomeration of roads, public utilities, and amenities to a modern system that uses big data and ICT to enhance the livelihood of the citizens and government policy and program of service delivery within the city. This is a major incentive for research and policy towards the sustainable development of cities. There is also an opportunity to tackle urban scenic distortion and to provide a more dynamic and diversifed science to address common issues – such as climate change, increasing frequency, and severity of crimes, social disorders, and disasters – arising from urban agglomerations and the burgeoning human population in cities.

For the developing countries (DCs) such as Nigeria – the focus of this study – a smart city’s conceptualization is slightly skewed because of the vagaries of challenges to its actualization. Thus, the idea of a smart city is still more utopian than realistic. However, the future of the DCs is arguably a smart city because of the complex urbanizations and predictions that places within the DCs will contribute signifcantly to the global urban populations, which is estimated at 90% of the global population by 2050. Therefore, to address the attendant problems that prevail presently in the DCs’ urban areas – which include environmental, economic, and human development issues – a smart city is a potent option.

Abstract

Introduction

Seeing the smart city

Smart city visibility

Visibility and stratagems

Three strategies of visibility

Visualizing smart cities

A politics of visibility

Declarations

References

Abstract

     Cities across the world are increasingly labelling themselves as smart in one way or another. At the same time, this smartness appears amorphous or invisible in its built urban environment. Critical researchers writing on the smart city regularly express confusion or exasperation about precisely the difficulty to locate the smart in the city. Visibility of the smart city is not a given. This article argues that visibility in the case of the smart city is instead strategically produced, and that the strategy opted for tells us something about the kind of urban imaginary put forward. The article introduces a provisional and non-exhaustive taxonomy of strategies of visibility based on analyses of three different cases of smart city projects (in Brazil, Sweden and Canada) and identifies the ways in which the smart city is made visible (or not)—symbolic presence of smart, modelling smart and ubiquitous invisible smart—and discusses what kind of city is envisioned based on each strategy.

Introduction

     The following article investigates the visibility of the smart city. The main argument is that smart city visibility is strategic rather than given, and the article presents three different strategies of visibility inferred from urban examples: the control room of Rio de Janeiro’s smart city operations (the COR), a proposed smart model city in Sweden (Plusstaden) and visualizations of the proposed and later discontinued project Sidewalk Toronto. These three cases represent three different strategies of making the smart city visible: symbolic presence of smart (manifestation through a representation of a smart object or space), modelling smart (constructing exemplary environments), and ubiquitous invisible smart (a strategic invisibility). The article, furthermore, argues that the way in which the smart city is made visible outlines different future imaginaries that produce different relationships between state, smart system, and inhabitants. Smart city visibility will therefore ultimately constitute a political question, not least with regards to transparency, and deserves more scholarly attention than has been the case up to now.

     The principal contribution of the article is to the under researched field of the smart city’s medial and material manifestations. While smart city visibility is touched on in a range of critical research into the following areas: material manifestations of the smart city (Halpern 2015; Picon 2015; Halegoua 2020), visualizations of smart city (Rose 2017, 2018a, b) and narratives of the smart city (Söderström et al. 2014), there is very little research concerning itself with its visibility as such, and even less on the strategic aspects of this visibility. In this sense, the article contributes to the field of smart city visibility through differentiating between different approaches to visibility of smart cities. The article provides a preliminary framework for further analysis of smart city visibility and offers a set of analytical concepts for future research and policymaking.

A politics of visibility

     Sometimes, the smart city is presented as a uniform corporate vision, at times juxtaposed with ‘civic hackers’ (Townsend 2013) or the ‘social city’ (Halegoua 2020), offering community-based non-corporate alternatives to the corporate smart city vision. The smart visions here discussed through their strategies of visibility cannot be neatly divided in this sense. Instead, the material suggests a bigger variation of smart city dreams—the municipal government (with IBM in Rio de Janeiro) vs the national Swedish platform proposed by Plusstaden and the corporate smart city of Sidewalk Toronto.

     I am not arguing that one smart city strategy of visibility is necessarily preferable to others, it would seem to be too early to decide, nor that all models are good or bad. Rather, they present different problems to its inhabitants, not only through the different subjectivities encouraged but also in terms of experience and transparency. These problems need to be addressed through other measures, through policy and laws. The strategies of visibility themselves require different societal responses and the strategies’ political effects will depend on these responses.

Abstract

Keywords

1. Introduction

2. Related work

3. Evaluation system of urban green space landscape planning based on PSO-BP neural network model

3.1. Application feasibility and evaluation index of neural network in urban green space landscape planning scheme evaluation

3.2. Network construction of urban green space landscape scheme evaluation system

3.3. Network optimization of urban green space landscape scheme evaluation system

4. Training results and simulation results of urban green space landscape scheme evaluation system

4.1. Training results of PSO-BP neural network system for urban green space landscape scheme evaluation

4.2. Evaluation and analysis of PSO-BP neural network system for urban green space landscape scheme evaluation

5. Conclusion

Funding Statement

Declaration of Competing Interest

References

Abstract

The evaluation simulation of urban green space landscape planning scheme based on PSO-BP neural network model is carried out in this paper. PSO-BP neural network can combine the principle of landscape ecology, integrate more evaluation indicators of ecology and urban development into the urban green space landscape planning scheme, and simply understand and predict human behavior, so as to make a more comprehensive evaluation and prediction of the urban green space landscape planning scheme. It not only has superior memory storage and learning ability, but also can simply understand and predict human behavior, so that more influencing factors that cannot be added in the past can be considered in the scheme evaluation and analysis, and the evaluation of urban green space landscape planning scheme is more comprehensive, scientific and reasonable. Experiments show that PSO-BP neural network has smaller error and better generalization ability than BP neural network. PSO-BP neural network rating model can analyze its more reasonable proportion according to the relationship between different types of green space and indicators, and give corresponding adjustment suggestions, which has guiding significance for the modification and adjustment of urban green space landscape planning scheme.

1. Introduction

With the continuous advancement of urbanization in China, more and more cities ignore the planning and development of urban landscape and the impact of urban green space landscape on the living standard and quality of urban residents,

With the continuous improvement of China’s comprehensive strength and international status, the degree of urbanization in China has been greatly improved, and more and more urban construction is close to fashion cities. But at the same time, many cities ignore the planning and development of urban green space landscape and the impact of urban green space landscape on the living standards and quality of urban residents, resulting in the continuous reduction or even lack of urban green space landscape area, the simplification of urban landscape and the imbalance of ecological environment, Finally, it leads to the contradiction between the urban environment and the quality of life of urban residents [1], [2]. Urban green space landscape planning has also become an important part of urban planning and development, and is an issue of increasing concern to urban residents [3]. With the improvement of China’s economic level, the material life of urban residents has been basically met, the urban living environment has gradually become a problem of increasing concern to urban residents, and the urban green space landscape planning has also become an important part of urban planning and development [3].

1- Introduction

2- Methods

3- Results

4- Discussion

5- Conclusions

References

Abstract

This research examines the distributional equity of urban vegetation in 10 US urbanized areas using very high resolution land cover data and census data. Urban vegetation is characterized three ways in the analysis (mixed vegetation, woody vegetation, and public parks), to reflect the variable ecosystem services provided by different types of urban vegetation. Data are analyzed at the block group and census tract levels using Spearman’s correlations and spatial autoregressive models. There is a strong positive correlation between urban vegetation and higher education and income across most cities. Negative correlations between racialized minority status and urban vegetation are observed but are weaker and less common in multivariate analyses that include additional variables such as education, income, and population density. Park area is more equitably distributed than mixed and woody vegetation, although inequities exist across all cities and vegetation types. The study finds that education and income are most strongly associated with urban vegetation distribution but that various other factors contribute to patterns of urban vegetation distribution, with specific patterns of inequity varying by local context. These results highlight the importance of different urban vegetation measures and suggest potential solutions to the problem of urban green inequity. Cities can use our results to inform decision making focused on improving environmental justice in urban settings.

Introduction

The majority of the world’s population lives in urbanized areas and urban populations continue to grow (United Nations, 2015). In North America, urbanization is particularly widespread, especially in Canada and the United States (US), where approximately 80% of the population lives in urban environments (McPhearson, Auch, & Alberti, 2013). As urbanization continues, urban vegetation, and the services it provides, are playing an increasingly important role in creating liveable urban spaces and helping to maintain the well-being of the majority of North American residents (Hansmann, Hug, & Seeland, 2007; Sanesi, Gallis, & Kasperidus, 2011). Urban vegetation provides important ecosystem services to urban residents. Mixed urban vegetation can reduce stormwater runoff via infiltration and evapotranspiration (McPherson, Simpson, Xiao, & Wu, 2011), and support a range of urban biodiversity (Goddard, Dougill, & Benton, 2009; Morimoto, 2011), while green views can reduce stress and improve psychological well-being (Kaplan, 2001; Tyrväinen et al., 2014; Ulrich et al., 1991). Woody vegetation, such as urban trees, can reduce the urban heat island effect via shading (Donovan & Butry, 2009; McPherson et al., 1997), improve air quality (Escobedo & Nowak, 2009; Nowak, Crane, & Stevens, 2006), sequester carbon (Nowak & Crane, 2002), and improve property values (Crompton, 2005), and may reduce crime rates (Troy, Grove, & O’Neil-Dunne, 2012). Urban parks offer opportunities for recreation that can improve physical health (Konijnendijk, Annerstedt, Nielsen, & Maruthaveeran, 2013; McCormack, Rock, Toohey, & Hignell, 2010) and increase social cohesion (Gehl, 2010; Kweon, Sullivan, & Wiley, 1998), and are often recreation destinations. As more and more people make cities their home, a case can be made that urban vegetation provides ecosystem services that influence the well-being of the majority of the world’s population. In light of this, societies should consider how best to ensure that all urban residents are able to benefit from these ecosystem services.

1- Introduction

2- Methods

3- Results

4- Discussion and conclusions

References

Abstract

The valuation of urban parks using hedonic pricing has been thoroughly documented in a number of studies set in many cities. Just as the value of existing parks can be estimated by investigating the relationship between housing prices and parks, the value of future parks can also be estimated using this approach. This study recognized that a series of planning processes and land use transitions to create urban parks not only influences the perceptions of real estate buyers but also the quality of the local environment. From the apartment sales data for the Busan metropolitan region of Korea, data on 11,498 sales of apartments within walking distance to planned parks (as well as existing parks) were collected. These data were applied in an analysis comprising three categories describing different planning contexts for the parks: “comprehensive plans,” “implementation plans,” and “completed parks.” A set of explanatory variables representing housing, park, and neighborhood characteristics was selected, with additional remarks regarding the planning specifications that might influence apartment buyers’ perceptions, such as the park type and the age of a plan, as defined in the official plans of the city. The results showed that smaller park types in residential settings were preferred throughout the processes of park planning, while all types were preferred once the processes were completed. The preference in park types is likely associated with the quality of the planning guidelines as well as the size of the project and the duration of planning.

Introduction

The urban park system is a crucial element of the urban fabric that enhances quality of life by promoting a healthy lifestyle, relaxation, and social engagement. Beyond the traditional value of a park space, urban park systems contribute to the larger urban objective of improving the quality of urban living. The broader view of the urban park system emphasizes the social benefits of reducing disorder and crime and strengthening ties among community members (Choi, 1999; Kuo, Sullivan, Coley, & Brunson, 1998; Kweon, Sullivan, & Wiley, 1998; Payne, Orsega-Smith, Godbey, & Roy, 1998; Sampson, Raudenbush, & Earls, 1997; Sturm & Cohen, 2014; Walker, 2004). Furthermore, vegetation, water bodies, and green spaces are valued components of the regional ecosystem and can also act as buffers against common urban nuisances, such as noise, air pollution, and congestion (Bayer, Keohane, & Timmins, 2009; Chiesura, 2004; Harnik & Welle, 2009; Kim, Park, & Kweon, 2007; Luttik, 2000). In the past few decades, a number of studies set in multiple cities have found that urban parks have a positive impact on real estate prices. These studies have used various empirical methodologies to determine the valuation of parks. Hedonic pricing allows us to capture the value of environmental amenities by estimating the marginal price included in the price of real estate. Assisted by the improved capability of dealing with spatial data and more sophisticated tools, the recent body of research has advanced the use of the hedonic price method, especially in an investigation into the proximity effect and a more detailed and diverse characterization of environmental amenities. An overview of the previous literature, with a focus on the proximity effect and the different characterizations of parks in urban settings, lays the groundwork for the valuation of urban parks in different planning contexts.

1- Introduction

2- Material and methods

3- Results

4- Discussion

5- Conclusion

References

Abstract

In the current context of strong urban sprawl, it becomes urgent to find urban approaches that simultaneously promote ecological functions and relationships between people and nature in cities. Streets are omnipresent urban elements that can deliver ecosystem services and facilitate people daily interactions with nature. Promoting vegetation in streets can take different forms which have to be combined with people’s preferences. Based on photomontages, we assessed people’s perceptions and valuations for herbaceous vegetation types associated to various managements and designs of pavements. Using a combination of a local field survey and a French national online survey, we collected a total of 3609 responses representing a large diversity of socio-demographic characteristics. The results of the field survey confirmed those of the online survey. Although there was variability among people valuations, we found that lowly managed pavements with spontaneous vegetation were in average higher valued than highly managed pavements without vegetation. Pavements with spontaneous vegetation were perceived as less kept than pavements without vegetation, but more beautiful and less boring. We found a consensus of high valuations towards pavements containing vegetation integrated in small design interventions (flowers seeded in foot of wall, design of a meadow strip along the pavement), suggesting that people generally accept vegetation with visible signs of human actions or managements. Socio-demographic characteristics partly explained variabilities in photo valuations. As expected, people frequently connected with nature had the highest preferences for vegetated pavements, spontaneous or integrated in designs. These results show that vegetated streets can become daily biodiversity-friendly urban greenspaces appreciated by urban dwellers. We provide recommendations for promoting vegetation in streets that will be useful for politics, urban designers and managers.

Introduction

The current strong urban sprawl causes profound changes in ecological habitats and associated biodiversity (Grimm et al., 2008). However, it is now recognized that nature experience is required for improving urban dweller health and well-being (Botzat et al., 2016; Cox et al., 2017b) and that it can change people attitudes towards pro-environmental behaviors (Soga and Gaston, 2016). In this context, it is necessary that researchers, designers and managers propose urban approaches that simultaneously promote ecological functions and relationships between people and nature (Aronson et al., 2017; Gaston et al., 2013; Soga and Gaston, 2016). Nature in cities can be promoted at various scales in multiple public or private spaces (Aronson et al., 2017; Beninde et al., 2015). Land sparing and land sharing have been proposed as two spatial approaches located at both opposite ends of a continuum of nature conservation strategies (Lin and Fuller, 2013). Land sparing which consists in introducing large green spaces (e.g. parks) within a compact urban matrix has been shown an adapted strategy for hosting some large animals and uncommon plant species (Caryl et al., 2016; Kendal et al., 2017; Villaseñor et al., 2017) and to develop various people uses including walking, resting or jogging (Palliwoda et al., 2017). However, this approach induces a travel distance between housing and parks which can be a barrier to frequent people use (Soga et al., 2015).

Urban and peri-urban agriculture (UPA) is a well-researched landscape component, but there is a need to extend the quantitative database on West Africa as well as to explain how UPA contributes to food systems differently across locations. We therefore performed a quantitative survey of Tamale, Ghana, and Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso, using a spatially randomised sampling frame to identify farms in peri-urban villages, open-space farming zones and isolated spaces. This was complemented with focus group discussion data. After preliminary analysis, further interviews were performed to explain trends observed. Rainy season production dominated in both cities. In Ouagadougou, commercial production was concentrated in open-space farming sites, whereas in Tamale it was more dispersed, with isolated space farms playing an unexpectedly important market role. This was attributed to Tamale’s recent rapid expansion, combined with more relaxed planning implementation and a permissive legislative context. In both cities, leafy vegetables were important commercial crops. Irrigation and soil fertility management were areas where resource use efficiency could be improved. Untreated well water was a major irrigation source in Ouagadougou, as was potable water in Tamale, raising queries over sustainability. Inorganic fertiliser use was more common in Tamale than Ouagadougou, and the opposite was the case for compost and manure, ascribed to the existence of manure markets in Ouagadougou. Urban agriculture’s contribution to urban food systems is thus shaped by its historical and geographical context. Attention to planning trajectories, irrigation and soil fertility management issues could help it contribute further.

Introduction

Urban and peri-urban agriculture (UPA) plays a unique and important role in urban food systems. Farmers use spaces in urban and peri-urban landscapes to provide themselves and others with food, whilst gaining income from sales (Dubbeling, Canton Campbell, Hoekstra, & van Veenhuizen, 2009). The opportunities and risks presented by UPA provide important considerations for planners and policy makers. It enjoys good access to inputs, including agrochemicals, organic wastes (Lee-Smith, 2013) and municipal and wastewater supplies (Tixier & Bon, 2006). Relatively affluent output markets demand a wide range of goods (Mawoisa, Aubry, & Le Bail, 2011). Yet it also competes with other urban land uses and industries for resources such as land, water and crop residues (Naab, Dinye, & Kasanga, 2013) and consumers and city authorities express health concerns over waste reuse (Mougeot, 2000). Some settings have legislative barriers (Cissé, Gueye Ndèye, & Sy, 2005) and resource use efficiencies are often low. There is an abundance of academic and ‘grey’ literature on UPA as a general phenomenon. Yet the factors above interact to shape UPA in diverse ways across landscapes. Backyard gardening may exist alongside opportunistic cropping on interstitial spaces. Meanwhile, several farmers may cultivate simultaneously on contiguous fields within larger, open-space, tracts of land (Drechsel et al. 2006). Peri-urban settlements can resemble rural villages, but have access to urban markets, meeting Mougeot’s (2000) definition of UPA. This paper focuses on food crop farming, a common form in the study area (an exploration of livestock production in the study cities appears in Roessler et al. (2016)), but UPA can also include livestock raising, agroforestry, ornamental horticulture and mixed production systems. These forms manifest to varying extents between locations, and their functions within urban livelihoods vary. Papers on African UPA have hitherto mainly focused on open-space farming sites, characterising them as the locus of commercial production (Drechsel, Graefe, Sonou, & Cofie, 2006; Memon and Lee-Smith, 1993).

Numerous studies have been carried out related to landscape, landscape architecture and urban landscape and it indicates the significance of this issue among designers and scholars. These studies have been dealt with different aspects of landscape and investigated the reciprocal effects between landscape and human. In fact, landscape is recognized as a part of environment; thus as environment and human have a dynamic and reciprocal relationship, landscape has such an affordances. Indeed, landscape can create peace and cheerfulness for users due to its affordances. According to this view, the following research investigates the significance of landscape in designing library and clarifies the different aspects of its influence on the library space. Therefore, the outcomings of this research present a conceptual model from the integration of landscape and library space with the purpose of enhancing learning process. The research method is qualitative and it is based on descriptive–interpretative approach. This study investigates initially the concept of landscape and landscape architecture; then, it deals with the analysis of the relation between landscape and environment. After studying the affordances of environment and landscape from different perspectives, the environment of the library and the circumstances in which users study are analyzed. Finally, the findings of the research are presented based on the investigation and analysis.

Introduction

Landscape is one of the important and fundamental issues which have been the center of attention recently. Landscape has had a unique position in discussions related to sustainable development in architecture and urban designing and it has been studied largely so that landscape is regarded as one of the crucial elements in urban sustainable development. Additionally, this issue has been studied seriously due to the consequences of urban development and environmental problems. In micro scale, landscape represents itself as the architecture of a building and in macro scale, as a city and urban designing. In fact, landscape makes up the major part of human environment and has an impact on the quality of life of people. Landscape is the entrance of nature to people’s lives. Thus, with the intention of clarification, this research is intended to investigate the concept of landscape, landscape architecture and different views in this regard. Next, the relation between landscape and architecture is being studied. Then the impacts of landscape, environment, and their elements on individuals are being explored. After investigating the characteristics of library as an educational setting, the environmental factors contributing to successful learning in library are examined. Eventually, the results of this research are concluded based on the nature of landscape and its impacts on library. The research methodology is qualitative and based on descriptive–interpretative approach.

We examine the association between living in an urban area with more or less green space and the probability of being obese. This work involves the creation of a new dataset which combines geo-coded data at the individual level from the Irish Longitudinal Study on Ageing with green space data from the European Urban Atlas 2012. We find evidence suggestive of a u-shaped relationship between green space in urban areas and obesity; those living in areas with the lowest and highest shares of green space within a 1.6 km buffer zone have a higher probability of being classified as obese (BMI ⩾ 30). The unexpected result that persons in areas with both the lowest and highest shares of green space have a higher probability of being obese than those in areas with intermediate shares, suggests that other characteristics of urban areas may be mediating this relationship.

Introduction

Over half of the world’s population (54%) currently lives in urban areas (UN, 2015). Growing urbanisation is set to continue with a projected two-thirds of the global population expected to reside in urban areas by 2050 (UN, 2015). Given the worldwide trend of urbanisation, there has been renewed focus on the physical health impacts of living within these urban areas, and in particular the importance of ensuring adequate green space provision. Indeed the United Nations Sustainable Development Goal 11.7 states a target of providing “…universal access to safe, inclusive and accessible, green and public spaces, in particular for women and children, older persons and persons with disabilities” by 2030. The benefits arising from green spaces can be examined from a multitude of angles e.g. mitigation of the urban heat island effect, promotion of local ecosystems, improved air quality and, health and wellbeing effects (see Carlin, Cormican, and Gormally (2016) for full review). This paper focuses on the physical health benefits of green space; in particular whether the presence of green space in urban areas has the potential to reduce an individual’s probability of being obese. The WHO estimates that the prevalence of obesity has more than doubled worldwide between 1980 and 2014 (WHO, 2016), with 1.9 billion adults classified as overweight in 2014, and of these, 600 million classified as obese. This is particularly concerning given that obesity substantially increases the risk of developing other noncommunicable diseases such as cardiovascular disease, diabetes, osteoarthritis and some cancers (WHO, 2016). The primary cause of obesity is an energy imbalance between calories consumed and calories expended (WHO, 2016). This imbalance is the result of increased consumption of highenergy foods and decreased physical activity. Obesity can therefore be considered a side effect of increased urbanisation, which has led to a rise in sedentary life-style patterns. Coined by Swinburn, Egger, and Raza (1999), the term obesogenic environment refers to “the sum of influences that the surroundings, opportunities, or conditions of life have on promoting obesity in individuals or populations”. This definition which recognises the importance of an individual’s social, economic and physical environment, shifts the focus of solving the obesity epidemic from the individual to the systemic level. As identified by Mackenbach et al. (2014), several features of the physical environment are proposed to impact obesity including urban sprawl, land-use mix, food environment, crime rate, walkability, and green space. The primary channel through which urban green space is proposed to impact obesity is through increased physical activity. However, as identified by Lachowycz and Jones (2011) who performed a systematic review of the pre-existing literature, there is a large amount of conflicting evidence regarding the association between obesity and urban green space. In particular self-selection effects can be difficult to control for due to data limitations (Boone-Heinonen, Gordon-Larsen, Guilkey, Jacobs, and Popkin, 2011).

Effective urban planning, and urban green space management in particular, require proper data on urban green spaces. The potential of urban green spaces to provide benefits to urban inhabitants (ecosystem services) depends on whether they are managed as a comprehensive system of urban green infrastructure, or as isolated islands falling under the responsibility of different stakeholders. Meanwhile, different urban green space datasets are based on different definitions, data sources, sampling techniques, time periods and scales, which poses important challenges to urban green infrastructure planning, management and research. Using the case study of Lodz, the third largest city in Poland, and an additional analysis of 17 other Polish cities, we compare data from five publicly available sources: 1) public statistics, 2) the national land surveying agency, 3) satellite imagery (Landsat data), 4) the Urban Atlas, 5) the Open Street Map. The results reveal large differences in the total amount of urban green spaces in the cities as depicted in different datasets. In Lodz, the narrowly interpreted public statistics data, which are aspatial, suggest that green spaces account for only 12.8% of city area, while the most comprehensive dataset from the national land surveying agency reveals the figure of 61.2%. The former dataset, which excludes many types of green spaces (such as arable land, private and informal green spaces), is still the most commonly used. The analysis of the 17 other cities confirms the same pattern. This results in broader institutional failures related to urban green infrastructure planning, management, and research, including a lack of awareness of green space needs (e.g. connectivity) and benefits (ecosystem services), and the related political disregard for urban green spaces. Our comparison suggests that a better understanding of green space data sources is necessary in urban planning, and especially when planning urban green infrastructure.

Introduction

Urban green spaces have already been the subject of extensive research, largely meant to support green space planning and management (e.g., Hansen et al., 2015; Kabisch, 2015; Rall et al., 2015). However, many of the relevant discussions, and especially formal planning documents, tend to overlook some green space types and overemphasize some others. This is related to the fact that the definitions and classifications available to date seem not to have ended the debates on what is an urban green space, and how the different green space types and categories are related to each other (Cvejić et al., 2015; Taylor and Hochuli, 2017). To make things even more complicated, different green spaces are managed by different stakeholders (public vs. non-public, city vs. districts), and they are characterized by different degrees of accessibility by the public, and many other different administrative features (Kabisch et al., 2016). Formal planning documents in cities often focus on the formal and most broadly recognized flagship categories of urban green spaces, such as parks, forests, allotment gardens, cemeteries, and street greenery. These green spaces have also been the focus of much research because they are clearly demarcated and depicted in reliable, official inventory databases (Feltynowski, 2015; Schipperijn et al., 2010). This is mainly because these green spaces are primarily managed by formal institutions and they are located on public land. Meanwhile, many forms of urban green spaces elude formal classifications, either because they are located on private land or they are not perceived as green spaces through the dominant lens of recreational potential (e.g., arable land or urban brownfields), or because of their small spatial scale, temporal and transitory character as interim or brownfield sites, as well as the uncertainty of land tenure and changing governance settings. Such informal green spaces have been defined by Rupprecht and Byrne (2014) as those covered with vegetation, usually neither designated nor recognized by governing institutions or owners as spaces for use by the inhabitants.

1- Introduction

2- Literature review

3- Data and methods

4- Results

5- Discussion

6- Conclusion

References

Abstract

This study investigates the momentary association between urban greenspace, captured using Normalized Difference Vegetation Index (NDVI) derived from Landsat imagery, and psychological stress, captured using Geographic Ecological Momentary Assessment (GEMA), in the activity spaces of a sample of primarily African American adolescents residing in Richmond, Virginia. We employ generalized estimating equations (GEE) to estimate the effect of exposure to urban greenspace on stress and test for moderation by sex, emotional dysregulation, season, neighborhood disadvantage, and whether the observation occurs at home or elsewhere. Results indicate that urban greenspace is associated with lower stress when subjects are away from home, which we speculate is due to the properties of stress reduction and attention restoration associated with exposure to natural areas, and to the primacy of other family dynamics mechanisms of stress within the home. Subjects may also seek out urban greenspaces at times of lower stress or explicitly for purposes of stress reduction. The greenspace-stress association away from home did not differ by sex, emotional dysregulation, neighborhood disadvantage, or season, the latter of which suggests that the observed greenspace-stress relationship is associated with being in a natural environment rather than strictly exposure to abundant green vegetation. Given the association of urban greenspace with lower stress found here and in other studies, future research should address the mediated pathways between greenspace, stress, and stress-related negative health outcomes for different population subgroups as a means toward understanding and addressing health disparities.

Introduction

Psychological stress is a risk factor not only for mental disorders such as depression and anxiety, but also for a wide range of other ailments, including stroke, heart attack, and substance use disorders (Iwata, Ota, & Duman, 2013; O’Donnell et al., 2016; Rosengren et al., 2004; Sinha, 2008). Recent research indicates that exposure to vegetation and natural areas can mitigate psychological stress by providing opportunities for physical activity and social interaction, as well as by engendering cognitive and physiological responses associated with psychological stress reduction and attention restoration following stressful experiences (Bratman, Hamilton, & Daily, 2012 Hartig, Mitchell, de Vries, & Frumkin, 2014). Such effects may be particularly pronounced for those living in urban areas, where exposure to urban vegetated or natural areas, referred to as ‘urban greenspace,’ may be limited. Indeed, research indicates that city residents have a higher level of psychological stress as compared to those living in rural areas (Dhingra, Strine, Holt, Berry, & Mokdad, 2009; Lambert, Nelson, Jovanovic, & Cerdá, 2015; Verheij, Maas, & Groenewegen, 2008). This is of particular concern given both the increasing concentration of the world’s population in cities (Turner, Nakamura, & Dinetti, 2004) and inequities in exposure and access to urban greenspace (Wolch, Byrne, & Newell, 2014). Understanding the relationship between greenspace and psychological stress among urban residents is thus of utmost concern for the development of interrelated policies on urban health, environmental justice, and greenspace infrastructure (Maller, Townsend, Pryor, Brown, & St. Leger, 2006; Sullivan & Chang, 2011; WHO, 2012). Most observational studies of urban greenspace and psychological stress or other indicators of mental health, however, have been limited to measures of greenspace exposure based on the residential neighborhood, or where measures of greenspace exposure and stress are asynchronous or are derived from recall-based surveys (e.g. Feda, Seelbinder, Baek, & Raja, 2015; Maas, Verheij, Groenewegen, Vries, & Spreeuwenberg, 2006; Markevych et al., 2014).