Highlights

Abstract

Keywords

1. Introduction

2. Methods

3. Results

4. Discussion and conclusion

5. Future of the aquaculture PFSC after the shock: the long path toward resilience

Declaration of Competing Interest

Acknowledgements

Author contributions

Competing interests

Appendix A. Supplementary material

References

Abstract

The COVID-19 global pandemic has had severe, unpredictable and synchronous impacts on all levels of perishable food supply chains (PFSC), across multiple sectors and spatial scales. Aquaculture plays a vital and rapidly expanding role in food security, in some cases overtaking wild caught fisheries in the production of high-quality animal protein in this PFSC. We performed a rapid global assessment to evaluate the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic and related emerging control measures on the aquaculture supply chain. Socio-economic effects of the pandemic were analysed by surveying the perceptions of stakeholders, who were asked to describe potential supply-side disruption, vulnerabilities and resilience patterns along the production pipeline with four main supply chain components: a) hatchery, b) production/processing, c) distribution/logistics and d) market. We also assessed different farming strategies, comparing land- vs. sea-based systems; extensive vs. intensive methods; and with and without integrated multi-trophic aquaculture, IMTA. In addition to evaluating levels and sources of economic distress, interviewees were asked to identify mitigation solutions adopted at local / internal (i.e., farm-site) scales, and to express their preference on national / external scale mitigation measures among a set of a priori options. Survey responses identified the potential causes of disruption, ripple effects, sources of food insecurity, and socio-economic conflicts. They also pointed to various levels of mitigation strategies. The collated evidence represents a first baseline useful to address future disaster-driven responses, to reinforce the resilience of the sector and to facilitate the design reconstruction plans and mitigation measures, such as financial aid strategies.

1. Introduction

In March 2020, the World Health Organization (WHO) declared the Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome Coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2), COVID-19, as a pandemic. Since it was first recognized the virus spread rapidly and globally, causing millions of deaths. In a fight against time to slow the spread and to contain the severe deadly outbreak across the planet, national governments have made enormous efforts, by imposing containment and suppression measures with varying degrees of rapidity and strictness (Guan et al., 2020) with people experiencing unprecedented disruptions to their daily lives. Cumulatively, these responses, aimed at preventing the spread COVID-19, had clear direct and indirect effects on global economic productivity (FAO and CELAC, 2020).

Highlights

Abstract

Keywords

1. Introduction

2. Methods

2.1. Review of literature

2.2. Online questionnaires

3. Results

3.1. Literature review results

3.2. Dictionary review results

3.3. Questionnaire results

3.4. Additional comments from stakeholder feedback

4. Discussion

5. Conclusion

Ethics statement

Declaration of Competing Interest

Acknowledgements

References

Abstract

‘Offshore’ aquaculture has gained increased attention as a potential route of expanding production of commercially important finfish species such as Atlantic salmon (Salmo salar). However, there is a lack of clarity about the term ‘offshore’ and how different ‘offshore’ environments are, compared to more traditional coastal or inshore locations. This uncertainty is an issue for effective governance and regulation and is a bottleneck for development that must be addressed. This study used a mixed method approach to evaluate what is meant by ‘offshore’ production and determine if existing approaches are suitable for licensing and regulating ‘offshore’ salmon aquaculture in Scotland, as a case study. First, a systematic literature review was used to assess academic studies and then an online questionnaire was used to gather views from salmon aquaculture stakeholders in Scotland and other countries. The results show there is inconsistency in what is perceived by the term ‘offshore’ aquaculture, making it challenging to determine a global definition. Literature, which was not limited to salmon production, tended to focus on distance from the coast but salmon aquaculture stakeholders had very mixed views, though a slight majority considered wave exposure was the key characteristic. The stakeholders indicated there may be a number of benefits of ‘offshore’ salmon aquaculture, but also suggested that existing regulations are not appropriate for ‘offshore’ salmon production and could be enhanced. The study results suggest that regulators and stakeholders need to agree on consistent terminology that characterises the production environment.

1. Introduction

Coastal regions are highly productive and an important resource for food production through aquaculture and fisheries. However, there is considerable competition and conflict from other users, so space for expansion of aquaculture is often limited (Sanchez-Jerez et al., 2016). Such constraints could affect contributions to global food supply as demand for aquatic products continues to rise (FAO, 2018). Thus, in many areas, if the aquaculture industry is to grow and increase production, there is a need to consider other locations. One of the alternatives to coastal farms is the use of so called ‘offshore’ sites, and consequently ‘offshore’ aquaculture has gained increased attention in recent years for both fish and shellfish (Jansen et al., 2016; Gentry et al., 2016; Barill´e et al., 2020). In 2010 the Food and Agricultural Organisation of the United Nations (FAO) held a workshop that classified mariculture into three categories based on site location (coastal, off the coast and offshore). The expert group defined mariculture as “offshore when it is located > 2 km or out of sight from the coast, in water depths > 50 m, with waves heights of 5 m or more, ocean swells, variable winds and strong ocean currents, in locations that are exposed (open sea, e.g. ≥ 180◦ open) and where there is a requirement for remote operations, automated feeding, and where remote monitoring of operating system may be required” (Lovatelli et al., 2013). This definition is prescriptive and consequently only relevant at present to few existing or exploited sites.

Abstract

Keywords

1. Introduction

2. Evolution of China’s distant water fisheries and management policy

3. Challenges of the development and management policy of China’s distant water fisheries

4. Prospects of the development and management policy of China’s distant water fisheries

5. Conclusion

CRediT authorship contribution statement

Declaration of Competing Interest

Acknowledgements

References

Abstract

China’s distant water fisheries management policy has made significant contributions to the development of distant water fisheries since 1985. Analyzing the evolution of China’s distant water fisheries management policy is conducive to solving China’s frequent IUU problems and promoting further development of sustainable fisheries. This paper first summarizes how China’s distant water fisheries management policy has evolved, which can be divided into four stages: the start-up period (1985–1990), the rapid development period (1991–1997), the sustainable development period (1998–2007), and the optimization and adjustment period (2008-present). Then the characteristics of current distant water fisheries management are summarized, including how management has adapted to international rules, emphasize sustainable fisheries, diversification and facilitation of management methods. China’s distant water fisheries management policy still faces severe challenges in terms of technology, marine rights, management system, industrial structure, and employee capabilities. Finally, this paper highlights the importance of attaching importance to science and technology, re-evaluating distant water fisheries subsidies based on environmental policies and IUU activities, establishing a polycentric governance mechanism with stakeholders at the core, improving the supervision system, and establishing overseas distant water fisheries bases to strengthen international cooperation.

1. Introduction

China has been the world’s largest fishing country since 1990, which is mainly due to overexploitation of offshore fishery resources (Xue, 2006; Yang et al., 2016). In recent years, the depletion of offshore fishery resources and the deterioration of the marine environment caused by overfishing have severely restricted the development of China’s fisheries (Zhao and Shen, 2016; Ding et al., 2020; Kang et al., 2018). Therefore, the development of distant water fisheries and aquaculture has become an important way to reduce the pressure of overfishing in China (Liu et al., 2014). In addition, as a strategic industry, distant water fisheries are of great significance for meeting the domestic demand for high-quality aquatic products, ensuring food security, increasing fishermen’s income, and promoting the development of the fishery economy (Mallory, 2013; Zhang et al., 2019; Yue et al., 2016).

About 90 % of the world’s fish stocks have been over exploited or are fully developed, but there is still potentials for distant water fisheries resources, especially small pelagic fish, cephalopods and Antarctic krill (FAO, 2016; Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Affairs of the People’s Republic of China, 2012). Although the industrial fishing of Antarctic krill is controversial, the Chinese government regards the harvesting of Antarctic krill as one of its important strategies for distant water fisheries (Schiermeier, 2010; Tang and Shi, 2010; Nicol and Foster, 2016). Accurate resource assessment, effective catch control and sound fishery management are essential for sustainable fisheries (Nicol et al., 2012). In 2019, China had 170 distant water fisheries enterprises, operating 2654 distant water fishing vessels, and the output of distant water fisheries was 2.257 million tons. The scale and total output of the fishing fleet were among the highest in the world. China has become an important distant water fishing nation (DWFN) (Chesnokova and McWhinnie, 2019). In 2017, among the seven principal tuna species1 in the world, the fraction of the stocks at biologically sustainable levels was 66.6 percent, which has increased by ten percent compared with 2015. It proves that fisheries management is effective (FAO, 2020). If China’s distant water fisheries can achieve reasonable management, it will make a significant contribution to the world’s marine fisheries.ش

Highlights

Abstract

Keywords

1. Introduction

2. Conceptual framework

3. Methodology

4. Analysis

5. Results

6. Discussion

7. Conclusion

CRediT authorship contribution statement

Declaration of competing interest

Acknowledgements

Appendix A. Supplementary data

References

Abstract

Despite their ecological and economic importance, mangroves have suffered degradation in West-Africa, mostly from anthropogenic activities. To sustainably and successfully manage natural resources in complex social-ecological systems (SES), it is important to take into consideration the divergent viewpoints, values, and knowledge of stakeholders, this allows to make informed decisions by identifying shared views and contentious grounds. We applied Q methodology to identify the subjective perceptions of local stakeholders on mangrove management in the Sokone and Toubacouta regions of the Sine-Saloum Delta in Senegal. Three distinct discourses (distinct viewpoints) were identified following the application of Q methodology: (i) the ‘Official’ discourse: “Mangrove management is fragmented; communities need to fill in the gaps for the management to work uniformly in all parts”; (ii) the ‘Happy Villagers’ discourse: “Village-level co-management works but some imbalances need to be corrected”; and (iii) the ‘Unhappy Villagers’ discourse: “Mangrove management is not working; things need to change, but it is not up to us (the villagers) to act”. There is polarization among the discourses on the effectiveness of current management. There is consensus among the discourses in wanting improvements in the current management but there is no agreement on what needs to change. The study highlights the importance of establishing clear guidelines concerning the role of government and other actors in participatory decentralized resource management. The identified areas of consensus can help create opportunities for sustainable management interventions and dissensus viewpoints highlight critical topics that require further discussion to improve the present management regime.

1. Introduction

Mangrove forests provide a multitude of benefits and services, from the provision of materials (such as timber and fisheries) to being a regulating influence (such as protection from storm surges and cyclones, and carbon sequestration), in addition to offering cultural and spiritual benefits (Walters et al., 2008; Mukherjee et al., 2014a). Although crucial for supporting local livelihoods, mangrove ecosystems are becoming increasingly threatened all over the world as they are undergoing rapid degradation (Duke et al., 2007; UNEP et al., 2014). This is mainly due to anthropogenic activities such as urban construction, infrastructure development for tourism, conversion for aquaculture and agriculture, overharvesting of mangrove resources, pollution, and human-induced climate change (Alongi, 2002; Dahdouh-Guebas et al., 2002; Mukherjee et al., 2014b).

The study assessed the economic, environmental and sustainability issues of organic shrimp farming in Bangladesh. Following stratified random sampling technique, 60 farmers were interviewed from several villages of Assasuni upazila under Satkhira district. The study revealed that productivity of organic shrimp per hectare was 383 pound and benefit cost ratio was 1.91 which meant that organic shrimp farming was highly profitable. Educational level of household head, gher size and knowledge on organic shrimp production had positive and significant influence in adopting organic shrimp production by the farmers. Cause-effect-mitigation analysis pointed out that organic shrimp farming could mitigate the adverse effects on environment caused by traditional shrimp farming. Appropriate climate and environment for organic shrimp culture was found as major strength and comparative profitability than traditional shrimp production was found as major opportunity of organic shrimp production. The study confirmed sustainability of organic shrimp production from the standpoint of consuming energy, protecting environment, economic feasibility and social/political equity. The study recommends that farmers should be trained to follow the work instructions and principles of organic shrimp production and the application of good management practices (GMPs) should be ensured for reducing the disease outbreak risk.

Introduction

Shrimp plays an important role in the international trade as a part of fisheries commodity. Bangladesh is ranked as 5th largest aquaculture producing country in the world after China, India, Vietnam and Indonesia with a fish production of 41.34 lakh metric tonnes in 2015–16 (Uddin et al., 2019a, 2019b; BBS, 2017). Its coastal area in the southwest has a unique brackish water ecosystem. This region is recognized worldwide as one of the most suitable shrimp farming areas for resource abundance and favorable agro-climatic circumstances (Ahmed et al., 2008). Satkhira, Khulna and Bagerhat districts are the key areas for producing shrimp in the southwestern Bangladesh, which contribute 71.4% to the national total production (BBS, 2017). Due to the availability of wild shrimp fry, low lying agricultural land, warm climate and the high profit, more farmers started using their lands extensively for shrimp farming. In the last decades, the demand for shrimp from both local and overseas markets has been increasing and many countries, especially in the global north, depend on imports of fish and seafood (Morf, 2014). Shrimp aquaculture has turned out to be one of the most significant sectors of Bangladesh’s economy. According to BFFEA (2017) and WITS (2017), frozen seafood contributes 1.7% (US$ 535.8 million) of the total export earnings (US$ 31714.2 million) from Bangladesh in 2015–16. Every year, Bangladesh ships more than 0.8 lakh tons of shrimp from producing on 2.1 lakh hectares land in the southwestern saline area.

Based on mechanical derivation, a new formula showing the effects of emergent vegetation on Manning’s coefficient was established for complex gradually varied flow affected by rigid unsubmerged vegetation in open channels. The new formula indicates that the Manning’s coefficient is a quadratic sum of its vegetal and boundary components with coefficients related to vegetation parameters. The variation characteristics of the total Manning’s coefficient and its vegetal component calculated by the new formula were investigated by a series of laboratory experiments under different vegetation coverage area ratios. It was found that the variations of both the total Manning’s coefficient and its vegetal component followed a linear decreasing trend along the vegetation section. Moreover, linear and power empirical formulas were constructed for the average total Manning’s coefficient and its vegetal component related to the vegetation coverage area ratio, respectively. The findings of the research may expand the theoretical connotations of the Manning’s coefficient for open channel hydraulics and demonstrate practical significance to engineering applications of the Manning’s coefficient for gradually varied flow in vegetated channels.

Introduction

Manning’s coefficient, which was proposed by the Irish engineer Robert Manning, comprehensively reflects the influence of channel roughness on water flow, and is widely used in traditional hydraulics to determine the degree of roughness in natural open channels [1], [2]. With decades of research in the field, Chow evaluated and tabulated the values of Manning’s coefficient for different surface roughness values [3]. However, the hydraulic conditions, such as flow resistance, are significantly changed as vegetation blocks the water flow into a partially continuous system [4], [5]. Numerous papers can be found in the literature that focus on the evaluation of vegetation effects on channel roughness [6]–[9]. For vegetated channel flow, Palmer proposed an empirical relationship in which the Manning’s coefficient is related to the product of the flow velocity v and the hydraulic radius R [10], [11]. Engineers have adapted this relationship in the design of irrigation channels and other vegetated waterways [3]. Nonetheless, experimental studies by Kouwen and Li indicated that the Manning’s coefficient is not always linearly related to the product of flow velocity and hydraulic radius [12].

Introduction

In 2016, the national total output of aquatic products in China was 69 Mt, of which 32 Mt (46%) were freshwater aquatic products. The freshwater aquaculture area was 6.18
105 ha, of which 2.76
105 ha (44.71%) were freshwater fishponds. There is a huge increase in demand for freshwater aquatic products in China. However, the total aquaculture area is rapidly diminishing because of industry’s need for land. For example, the annual national decrease in total aquaculture area was 0.9% in 2015 and 1.4% in 2016 (Wang et al., 2017). To alleviate the situation, some intelligent systems which can contribute to increased production and reduced costs are being applied in freshwater aquaculture to monitor important water environmental variables in real time, such as dissolved oxygen (DO) concentration in water, water temperature, pH etc. (Simbeye & Yang, 2014; Simbeye, Zhao, & Yang, 2014). Siemens Corporation developed a system for monitoring 5 to 12 online water parameters in 2011 (Jawad, Nordin, Gharghan, Jawad, & Ismail, 2017). The American YSI Corporation also developed the YSI5200 aquaculture monitoring system for monitoring six kinds of water quality parameters in 2008. Researchers from the Chinese Academy of Fishery Sciences developed a multi-point online water quality testing system which can simultaneously monitor six water parameters in 2010. Scientists from Jiangsu University in China, developed a distribution monitoring system to determine a variety of key water parameters in real time, and the system had capacity for wireless data transmission in 2011 (Huan, Liu, & Chong, 2014; Huang et al., 2013). However, most of these existing monitoring systems, utilised in freshwater fishpond aquaculture, exchange information between the remote intelligent unit and monitoring computer through cable transmission. Cable communication systems carry many wires which results in a complex system and complications of data measurements and transmission. Moreover, such systems, once deployed, are inconvenient to expand to cover more targets. Further development of the freshwater fishpond aquaculture industry based on a cable communication system is limited, as cable communication systems are more suitable for a simple and small-scale scenario.

The Congo Basin (CB) region is highly relevant in both environmental and social terms. Due to the various roles and meanings that forests play in the region, it becomes urgent to understand how forestry companies disclose their (alleged) corporate social responsibility (CSR) activities. This work aims at identifying which CSR themes are more often disclosed by companies, and verifying geographical patterns according to their headquarters location, in a region where studies on the subject are scarce. A grid of CSR themes enabled the analysis of the website contents of 37 forestry sector firms operating in the CB. Companies were divided in three geographical regions, according to the location of their headquarters: West, Africa, and Asia. The results suggest that the companies value timber certification and prefer to focus on disclosing environmental themes related to their operations. Education and health are the most disclosed themes, in line with contractual obligations. There is a clear relation between the disclosure and the geographical origin of the companies: Western companies disclose more than their Asian and African counterparts. The near-absence of disclosure around human and workers’ rights by Asian companies is notorious.

Introduction

The second largest tropical rainforest in the world is located in the CB. It plays a fundamental role on the preservation of biodiversity and climate regulation by capturing atmospheric carbon dioxide and contributing to limiting global warming. Around 60 million people depend on this forest for their livelihoods, and it has a crucial social and cultural role for local populations and regional economies (de Wasseige et al., 2015). Despite having inherited good infrastructures from the colonial period and having huge reserves of raw-materials (Matti, 2010), the region is politically and economically collapsing. CB countries (Fig. 1) score low on human development index (UNEP, 2016): life expectancy is short, fertility rates and population growth are amongst the highest in the world, and illiteracy rates are significant. Besides, they are amongst the worst in terms of business environment (World Bank, 2017), with high indexes of hunger (von Grebmer et al., 2012) and corruption (Transparency International, 2016). The forestry sector harvests a natural raw material – wood. Logging generates positive and negative environmental and social impacts, some of which are specific to the CB. The most frequently mentioned impact consists on the construction of logging roads. Such infrastructures generate direct and (mainly) indirect impacts. They damage the forest cover, increase bush meat demand and facilitate access of poachers to previously remote locations (de Wasseige et al., 2014). The upsurge in the circulation of vehicles and people place challenges on the region, namely the emergence of new diseases, the supply of significant quantities of alcohol and toxic industrial products (e.g. glues) used as drugs, generating previously non-existent problems (Amaral, 2016). Albeit relatively well preserved, the forest is threatened by the foreseen economic boom, large scale farming projects, and illegal wood extraction activities in the region (Defourny et al., 2011). The timber industry is an important source of income and jobs for the CB and will be decisive for the future of the forests in the region (Brunner and Ekoko, 2000). This relevance may affect each country differently, as some of them (i) have considerable forest resources but an underdeveloped forest sector, such as Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC); (ii) abundant forest resources and an active timber sector, such as Republic of Congo, Gabon and southeast Cameroon; and (iii) scarce forest resources and a small but active forest sector, such as Central African Republic, Equatorial Guinea and south Cameroon (Ruiz-Pérez et al., 2005). Perspectives of economic growth raise concerns over the role of companies in social development, sustainability of timber operations,

Forest certification, under both the Forest Stewardship Council (FSC) and the PEFC-endorsed Chilean CERTFOR schemes, has been widely adopted in both the native and plantation forestry sectors in Chile. This study of the impacts of forest certification on Chilean forestry businesses is based in-depth interviews with 72 actors representing a diversity of roles and perspectives in the Chilean forestry sector. The impacts of certification have been greatest in the plantation forestry sector, and for larger businesses. These impacts include the cessation of deforestation for plantation establishment, rehabilitation of natural ecosystems, greater benefits to local communities, and the development of a positive dialogue between forestry businesses and their stakeholders. However, certification has not resolved some long-standing conflicts between forestry businesses and other actors, notably in relation to Indigenous peoples’ land claims and workers’ rights. Both certification schemes in Chile have promoted legal compliance; FSC certification is encouraging improvements beyond legal compliance, and deepening the changes initiated by CERTFOR. The results illustrate how certification can contribute to effective hybrid governance regimes, but also of the limits of certification in addressing deeply-entrenched social conflicts. Nevertheless, the impacts of certification for Chilean forestry businesses and their stakeholders have largely been positive.

Introduction

The scale and adverse impacts of unsustainable forest management in the second half of the 20th Century prompted many governance responses at a range of scales, from international to local (Lister, 2011; McDermott et al., 2010; Humphreys, 2014). Since the mid-1980s, promoting sustainable forest management (SFM) has been a central concern of forest governance globally. SFM aims to enhance and balance the environmental, social and economic values of all types of forests (see definition in UN, 2007). However, the lack of progress in developing credible international intergovernmental arrangements to address deforestation and forest degradation (Humphreys, 2014), and the limited progress at national and subnational levels in many countries (e.g. McDermott et al., 2010), have catalyzed the emergence of forest certification, a form of “private” or “non-state”, “market-based” governance (Auld et al., 2008; Auld, 2014; Cashore et al., 2006). Since forest certification was initiated by the Forest Stewardship Council (FSC) in 1995, certification has both diversified – as other actors initiated a number of competing forest certification schemes (Lister, 2011) – and expanded, to now encompass some 500 million ha of forests globally (FSC, 2017; PEFC, 2017), around a third of the world’s production forests (Auld, 2014). While natural tropical forests were the initial focus of forest certification, forests in all geographic regions, and both natural (syn. native) and plantation forests, are now the subject of certification (FSC 2016, Auld, 2014, Cubbage et al., 2010, Mikulková et al., 2015). As the scale and significance of certification as a forest governance mechanism has increased, so too has interest in the impacts of certification (e.g. Gale, 2014; Lewis and Davis, 2015; Miteva et al., 2015; Poynton, 2015). However, as many of these authors note, our knowledge and understanding of forest certification impacts are limited, and the majority of studies to date have focused on the impact of certification in natural forest management. This study investigates the impacts of certification in both the native and plantation forestry sectors in Chile. We first review what has been reported by other studies about the impacts of certification, and describe our research framework and methods. We then present our findings from applying this framework to the Chilean forestry sector, and discuss our results and their implications.

In this article I discuss the factors contributing to the drafting and approval of the forestry incentives law (PINPEP) in Guatemala. This is a remarkable law because (a) it is among the few in the country recognizing property rights to land other than private property; (b) it has a stronger focus on subsidies and social benefits than on market mechanisms and; (c) the law is the result of the effort of forestry community organizations. My findings indicate that community organizations can, through their alliances with science-policy networks, participate in law-making and by that, in democratizing environmental governance. My study nuances the role of experts in environmental governance showing that their power and status should be understood as relational and historically contingent. Furthermore, some key and charismatic individuals can act as door openers to link community forestry organizations and science-policy networks. Although the identity of the grassroots organizations that participated in the process of making the law is tied to forestry, these organizations have a long history in the country. This history has been shaped by their experiences in exile and in refugee camps during the civil war as well as by their contact with development assistance organizations.

Introduction

The idea to implement monetary transfers to forest owners or forest dwellers to promote global forest conservation has become popular in national and international policy-making circles. Programs such as “Payments for Ecosystem Services-PES” and “Reduced Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation-REDD” are good examples of such initiatives. This increased focus on so-called “market-based” mechanisms for nature conservation is in part related to what many have called “the neoliberal turn” in nature conservation, involving also the privatisation and commoditization of nature (Castree, 2004, 2008; McCarthy and Prudham 2004; Mansfield 2004; Bakker 2005; Heynen and Robbins, 2005). Fairhead et al. (2012) observe that there has been an explosion in studies analysing the effects of the neoliberal turn in environmental conservation. They argue that such literature has however tended to adopt a rather uniform position assuming a singular hegemonic project, failing sometimes to analyse the consequences for diverse, differentiated and contingent settings. This paper aims to contribute to a better understanding of how neoliberal ideas are transformed, re-shaped, negotiated and contested in national and local contexts. This paper offers a detailed analysis of a policy making process to reveal the underlying processes at play that contribute to shape the outcomes of the expansion of neoliberal programs in Central America. Investigating the complex interactions between science and politics allows me to suggest a more nuanced understanding of the conditions under which unexpected alliances and policy outcomes emerge. These alliances might not change radically the position of marginalized actors, but contribute to advance their agendas and to improve their political possibilities in the future. In 2010, the Guatemalan congress passed the law on forestry incentives for smallholders (PINPEP law, Decree 51-2010). This is a landmark law for various reasons. First, this is one of the few in the country, acknowledging the existence of communal land tenure regimes and recognizing property rights that are not formalized in the National Property Register. Land tenure is a contested issue in Guatemala, a country featuring enormous inequality in access to land and land distribution, where an estimated five percent of the population controls 80 percent of arable land, complicated by unsecure land tenure for the majority (Gauster and Isakson, 2007). Second, the approval of the law was pushed by community forestry organizations. Many other proposals for laws promoted by peasant organizations or petitions to reform laws have not had the success that one would expect considering the broad mobilizations behind these initiatives. Third, the spirit of the law focuses on providing subsidies to small landholders for conserving or planting trees in their lands.

Deforestation and forest degradation are problems common to many tropical countries, including Papua New Guinea (PNG). These problems are often a result of the environmentally unsustainable logging practices of industrial logging companies. Beginning in the 1990s, six organizations attempted to mitigate the deforestation and forest degradation occurring in PNG by facilitating small-scale native forest management by Indigenous forest landowners. All six organizations utilized an ‘eco-forestry’ approach, involving selective harvesting of timber combined with the milling of timber by Indigenous forest landowners using portable sawmills. The lumber produced was sold into local and international markets as sustainable certified under Forest Stewardship Council (FSC) principles. The use of portable sawmills was also intended to provide the landowners with a greater financial return compared to the timber royalty payments they could receive from logging companies. This study used a literature review and interviews with key informants from the eco-forestry organizations and the PNG Forest Authority to assess the effectiveness of variants of the portable sawmilling model. We found that each of the six organizations were unsuccessful in developing a financially viable model for small-scale native forest management by Indigenous forest landowners in PNG. All the Indigenous landowners were unable to continue their portable sawmill operations once the donor funding of the eco-forestry organizations ceased. In addition, the operators of portable sawmills struggled to produce lumber that met the quality and quantity demands of buyers, who ultimately ceased purchasing the lumber. Furthermore, the Indigenous landowners struggled to adhere to the FSC principles, resulting in a loss of FSC certification. The study identifies a need for a new small-scale native forest management model in PNG. We recommend that future research involve collaboration with private sector businesses and professionally trained operators to inform the development of a small-scale forest management model which is financially profitable while also adhering to the principles of ecoforestry.

Introduction

Papua New Guinea (PNG) has one of the largest remaining continuous areas of tropical forest in the world. There are approximately 29 million hectares of forest with 97 percent of the forest held under customary land ownership by Indigenous clan groups (PNGFA, 2009). Large-scale industrial logging companies operating in PNG export approximately 90 percent of the logs harvested in the country (PNGFA, 2009). Just over 3.4 million m3 of non-coniferous logs were exported from PNG in 2016 (SGS, 2017). This amount represents 8.5 percent of total non-coniferous log exports from all tropical countries in the world in 2016 (ITTO, 2017). The PNG Government imposes export duties on exported logs, which totalled approximately $95.5 million USD in 2016 (SGS, 2017). The customary landowners receive royalty payments as compensation for the harvested timber, which varies between $3.30 and $11.55 per m3 in 2016 USD, depending on the tree species (NFS, 2011). The harvest methods of the large-scale logging companies operating in PNG have been widely criticised, especially in respect to the widespread environmental damage resulting from noncompliance with the PNG Logging Code of Practice (PNGFA, 1996), (e.g. Bun and Scheyvens, 2007; Fox et al., 2011; Bun, 2012). In addition, the timber harvests have resulted in social inequalities due to the royalty payments received by the landowners being disproportionately small relative to the value of the timber being removed. Furthermore, the system for distributing royalty payments to landowners lacks financial transparency, causing landowners to question if they have been paid the amounts they were owed (Bird et al., 2007). These issues provided the impetus for PNG’s customary landowners and supporting non-governmental organizations (NGOs) to explore alternative forest management methods such as ‘eco-forestry.’